Late Andanese

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Andanese is the name of a people who currently have no language of their own. Around the year 4200, their language went extinct although it was preserved in loanwords and in written records. This written language is called Late Andanese, a language with a very simple phonology.



Late Andanese, spoken around the year 4200 and thereafter as a ceremonial language, has only 12 phonemes: the consonants /l h k m n ŋ s p t/ and the vowels /a i u/. And of these, the consonants /s/ and /ŋ/ are rare because they originated primarily from sequences rather than single phonemes. Vowel sequences are allowed, but final consonants are not. Thus there are only 30 syllables in the language.

Old Andanese had had a much higher syllable count because it had more consonants, five vowels, two tones, and allowed clusters and syllable-final consonants. However, in reality the vast majority of syllables in Old Andanese were open syllables as well, and only one syllable per word could carry tone, which means that for the most part Old Andanese could be spelled with only 75 syllables, not greatly different from its descendant. Also, the Old Andanese consonants /kʷ qʷ/ could be analysed as non-phonemic.

Late Andanese as spoken today is based on historical records, since there is no surviving population that has been continuously speaking the language during the entire 4500 years that have passed since its extinction around the year 4200. Thus the pronunciation varies from place to place without the language itself being different. In general though, these differences are small and mostly related to the pronunciation of whole syllables rather than individual phonemes. It could be argued that syllables like /ni/, /ti/, /si/ are actually single phonemes because many populations read them as single consonants such as /ñ/, /č/, /š/ when they occur before a vowel and in some cases even before a consonant. And thus it could be said that modern Andanese has more than 12 phonemes after all. However, no Andanese tradition has reintroduced tones or phonemes not directly descended from one of the 30 syllables in the language.


Consonant frequency

The frequency of consonants is roughly the same as their order in the syllabary: /l h k m n p t ŋ s/. However, as detailed below, some consonants are more common before certain vowels, and it is more accurate to think of syllables rather than consonants and vowels as the minimal phonemic unit.


Andanese has three vowels: /a i u/. There are no tones, stress, or length distinctions. Unlike most of the languages of the Gold family, Andanese is vowel-strong: its vowels influence the pronunciation of preceding and following consonants, but the consonants have no influence on the pronunciation of the vowels. Vowels can only change due to the influence of adjacent vowels: an /i/ or /u/ before another vowel (even the same vowel) will contract into a semivowel. Other than this, there are no significant allophones of the three vowels.

Another way that Andanese differs from the Gold languages is that, although /a/ is the commonest vowel, it is noticeably less common by comparison to the other two vowels than it is in most Gold languages. The three vowels are all well represented in Andanese speech.

Phonology and vocabulary

With only 30 syllables in the language, many sentences, even with basic vocabulary items, are highly repetitive. For example hahaha is the word for "hat, cap, headgear" (ha- "shaped like" + haha "hair of the head").

Consonants besides /l h k/ are less frequent. The overrepresentation of the consonants /l h k/ (in roughly that order) is part of the reason why Andanese words are often so long even compared to other languages such as Babakiam that have small phonologies.

Expressive wordplay

Boys' names

Boys' names were often extremely long-winded due to the deliberate repetition of similar-sounding words and syllables. For example, Kukukukukukuku was a common boy's name; Kaaaaaaia was another. Haaaaaaaaaaa was also a very common boy's name. Taaaamaaaaaamaaaaa was less common but still not unheard of. Aaaaaaaaaaatataaaa is another common boy's name. Each /a/ is a seaprate syllable. The longest boy's name in common use was Kakakaaakakatakakakakakakakakaka. A close second was Matamataamatatataamaataaaatata. Lilalaaiilalalalalalaa is another very long boy's name, but can be abbreviated to Lalaaalai.

A classroom of children would often sit quietly when a teacher called out their names, as if hearing lottery numbers read off, as a boy with a lengthy name would need to listen for quite a while to know whether the child being called up to the front of the class was him or his friend whose name differed only on the 17th syllable.

Girls' names

Girls' names typically did not use reduplication, and were thus typically shorter, but parents often chose long names that did not use reduplication. The number of girls' names in use was always much greater than the number of boys' names, and many parents coined novel names never used before.

Allophony and sandhi

Allophony in Andanese is best understood as a process that affects whole syllables rather than individually affecting consonants or vowels. With only 30 syllables in its phonology, the syllable has come to be the minimal phonological unit, and each of the 30 syllables behaves uniquely. For example, si behaves sometimes like ti, sometimes like su, and sometimes unlike either of them.

Allophones of vowel sequences

The vowel sequences ia ii iu are pronounced [ya yi yu], and this is reflected in Romanization. Likewise, ua ui uu are pronounced [wa wi wu.] In the case of ii and uu, the on-glide is weak but still distinctly present, and the second vowel is lowered slightly. Note that the Romanization here uses v for IPA /w/ and y for IPA /j/.

Triple vowel sequences are resolved by starting from the right. For example, tiui can only be [tiwi], never [*tyui].

The vowel [a] changes very little in any context. The sequence aa is simply [a:], and the sequences ai au raise the /a/ only slightly. It is common to find long sequences of vowels, including /a/, especially in derived words. Here, the same rules are followed, and thus aaa, aaaa, and so on, are simply more lengthened versions of /a/. However, with sequences of three or more /a/'s, the intonation resets on every odd-numbered vowel (counting from either direction). Thus vapaaa is pronounced [wapa:a].

Allophones of syllables beginning with /h/

As /a/ is the commonest vowel in the language, the allophone of /h/ that occurs before /a/ is considered the primary one. This varies between [x] and [χ] depending on stress and emphasis. Before the vowel /i/, /h/ is fronted to a voiceless palatal fricative [ç], and before /u/, it becomes a sound that varies between a rounded voiceless bilabial approximant [hʷ] and a spread voiceless bilabial fricative [ɸ].

Since the allophones of /h/ are entirely determined by which of Andanese's three vowels follows it, in rapid speech the vowel may be spoken so quickly that the listener does not even hear it, and perceives instead a consonant cluster beginning with one of the above sounds. This shortening never occurs in word-final position, even when another word follows. Also, /a/ is less likely to be dropped than either of the two high vowels.

Other allophony involving /h/

In rapid speech, syllables beginning with /h/ resemble those beginning with vowels, as the [h] spreads backwards over the vowel of a preceding syllable. This also entails contraction of the VC sequences -ih- -uh- into voiceless glides [ç ɸ]. For example, puha may sound like [pʰwa] or [pʷxʷa], and hihahuhi "womb" will be pronounced [çḁɸi], with the whisper tapering off only towards the end of the final vowel. In careful speech, this process is avoided if the preceding consonant is another fricative (/s/ or /h/), or if the preceding syllable is vowel-initial, and therefore in careful speech hihahuhi would sound like [çixaɸuçi], with four clear vowels, albeit very short ones.

Allophones of syllables beginning with /k/

In isolation, the syllables ka ki ku are pronounced like [ka ći kʷu], with the [ka] also slightly further back than velar. Before a vowel (including /h/+vowel in rapid speech) ki ku contract to [ć kʷ]. The sequences ki ku are still audibly distinct from kii kuu, however, because in the latter the starting point of the double vowel sequence is higher, and thus the glides [j w] are audible.

Before a syllable beginning with /p t s l/, the vowels in ka ki ku are spoken very quickly, and may be inaudible, the syllables thus being distinguished by their consonantal allophony only.

Allophones of syllables beginning with /t/

In isolation, the syllables ta ti tu are pronounced like [ta či ṭu]. Before a vowel (including /h/+vowel in rapid speech) ti tu contract to [č ṭʷ]. The sequences ti tu are still audibly distinct from tii tuu, however, because in the latter the starting point of the double vowel sequence is higher, and thus the glides [y w] are audible.

Allophones of syllables beginning with /p/

Before a vowel (including /h/+vowel in rapid speech) pi pu contract to [pj pʷ]. The sequence pu is still audibly distinct from puu, however, because in the latter the starting point of the double vowel sequence is higher, and thus the glide [w] is audible.

Allophones of syllables beginning with /s/

In rapid speech, the sequences si su are pronounced [š ṣʷ]. This contraction occurs even before consonants, except before another /s/.

Allophones of syllables beginning with /l/

The lateral approximant /l/ is advanced slightly before any /u/, and retracted slightly before any /i/, but these differences are very minor by comparison to the changes that affect /t/.

Other allophony involving /l/

The vowels in the VC sequences -al- -il- -ul- are often very short, or even inaudible, when the preceding consonant is a plosive (p t k).

Allophones of syllables beginning with /m/

Other allophony involving /m/

The VC sequence -um- is pronounced like a syllabic [] unless the preceding consonant is another labial.

Allophones of syllables beginning with /n/

Other allophony involving /n/

The VC sequence -un- is pronounced like a syllabic [] unless the preceding consonant is one of t n l.

Allophones of syllables beginning with /ŋ/

Before a vowel, the sequences ŋi ŋu are contracted to [ŋʲ ŋʷ], and in rapid speech, these can become IPA [j̃ w̃].

Other allophony involving /ŋ/

The VC sequence -uŋ- is pronounced as a syllabic [ŋ̍] unless the preceding consonant is one of k ŋ.

Rate of speech

Andanese is spoken so quickly that speakers of neighboring languages perceive it as a harsh, guttural language consisting mostly of consonants, especially /l h k/, the three most common consonants in the language. However, even though /s/ is rare, it is the loudest consonant in the language, and speakers of neighboring languages often perceive Andanese to be rich in /s/ as well.

Voiceless sounds

The voiceless consonants /k s p t/ are always voiceless unaspirated, even between vowels in rapid speech.


Andanese uses prefixes for inflection and suffixes[1] for derivation. There are no exceptions to this pattern, despite the strong influence of the many Gold-family languages surrounding Andanese, which use suffixes and infixes, but never prefixes. There are still some infixes inherited from Old Andanese, but because they can only infect the prefixes, Late Andanese is best described as a language that has tables of related prefixes, with one row of prefixes for each infix, rather than a system combining prefixes and infixes.

There is no morphological distinction between nouns and verbs in Andanese, but there is a fixed word order of Subject-Object-Verb, showing that verbs and nouns cannot be considered the same part of speech. In this respect Andanese resembles isolating languages such as Chinese and to a lesser extent English.

Classifier prefixes

All words have classifiers, except for a few that are sometimes considered to have a null morpheme as their classifier. For example, the classifier gi- means "humans, human body parts". Its accusative form is na-. However, classifiers for inanimate objects do not have distinct forms for their accusatives.

Repetition of classifier prefixes across nouns and verbs

Note that classifiers stack on top of the verbs. That is to say, any verb in the sentence will take a prefix agreeing with the noun classifier of the subject, unless it happens to already have the same classifier.

However, humans are spread across several classifiers, which mark different genders and ages of humans. These all share the same verbs, so it is not necessary to repeat the classifier before the object if the subject and object of a sentence are both human. For example, hinuhuki means teacher (adult female), tukuu means student (young child of either gender),[2] and tuupi means to kiss. The accusative form of hi- is mi-. Thus one can say

Tukuu minuhuki tututami.
The student kicked the teacher.

Stacking of classifiers

Classifiers stack across nouns that are dependent on other nouns. For example, kuha means "(a) piece", and sikupi means "wood", so one can speak of

Kuha kusikupi.
A piece of wood.

However, when a two-word phrase such as this is used as an object in a longer sentence, the subject's classifier is repeated only on the first word:

Hinuma hikuha kusikupi hikigi.
The woman scratched the piece of wood.

This can be thought of more clearly with an analogy to mathematics. The sentence above can be visualized in three dimensions, with kusikupi as a branch off of hikuha, or as an equation:

Hinuma hi(kuha ku(sikupi)) hi(kigi).
Words with no classifiers

A small number of words have no classifier prefix. Many of these are proper nouns or loanwords. These are treated as if their first syllable were a classifier prefix, and therefore behave exactly the same as other words except that they usually seem to be in the wrong noun class.

Private verbs

Andanese preserves the private verbs of Tapilula, which also persisted in the Gold language but were dropped in all of Gold's descendants, along with the classifier system itself. Private verbs are morphemes, usually only one or two syllables long, whose meaning depends on the preceding classifier prefixes. For example, there exists a verb vutami "to gallop, run quickly on all fours". This verb begins with vu-, which is also the first syllable of the word for horse. Thus, if a horse is the subject, there is no need to repeat its classifier prefix before the verb; the classifier prefix is already there. If a man is galloping, one would say

Kilatu kivutami.
The man is galloping.
The man is running like a horse.

Whereas if the subject is a horse or a similar animal, the sentence would instead be

Vuhapi vutami.
The horse is galloping.
The horse is running like a horse.

Without the need for an extra syllable before the verb. Likewise, if the situation were reversed, one could say

Vuhapi vugitami.
The horse is running like a human (on its hind legs only).

Note that the neuter prefix gi-, rather than the masculine prefix ki-, is used whenever animals are personified, regardless of the syntactical gender of the animal.

Use of classifiers to derive new words

New words can be formed by copying a word from one class to another. For example, in Old Andanese, the word for vampire was kʷĭhe. It was used without a classifier prefix, as were many words for living beings (gender at this time was often marked by internal consonant changes). However, today, the commonest use of this morpheme is in the word pair gipihi "sharp tooth; canine" and kipihi "to bite". Thus, a noun for a living being became a noun for just a distinctive trait of that being by simply changing the classifier prefix.

For some classes, the entire vocabulary can be assumed to be copiable. For example, gi- nouns denoting body parts pair with ki- verbs denoting the action of striking or hitting something with that body part, and with mi- denoting that body part served as food. For example, the word for thigh is gihuliti, but somebody's thighs served for dinner could be called

Yahuliti yatulihi.
Human thigh with spices.

Likewise, the word for a young student, tukuu, is actually derived from the word for book, ikuu, by changing the prefix from i-, which denotes handheld objects, to tu-, which marks the "human children" noun class.

Derivation of words

Andanese is a head-initial language. That is, within a word, a classifier prefix will come first, giving the general broad meaning of the word, and each additional morpheme will narrow the meaning of the word further. This is the opposite of surrounding languages like Pabappa, where it is the last morpheme within a word that defines the general broad meaning of the word. Thus Andanese could be described as having a taxonomic vocabulary. Someone hearing the first part of a word will not know its precise meaning, but will have a general idea of what it might be. But someone hearing only the end of a word will have no idea which of the many possible categories of the vocabulary the word belongs to.

An exception to the rule that compounds are head-initial (i.e. "ears of corn") is that if one party is animate, the animate partner goes first (i.e. "horse ears").

this probably isn't the reason why gold switched, though, because in goldnthe anime pRtenr oftem.goes last

The genitive prefix si- is never used within a word; this appears only heading up a full, independent word describing a definite object. Thus, all compounds are single words, and some can be very long. In general, Andanese words are often highly precise, and may seem long even given the small phonology of the language. Many words have been lengthened by adding additional morphemes over time, even when such lengthening was not necessary to prevent collision of the word with a homophone. For example, the word for heart, as inherited from Old Andanese, is vi. But this is padded with the body part classifier prefix li- on one side and the precising morpheme tu "blood" on the other; thus, the resulting word livitu can be analyzed as "body part heart of blood".

Reassignment of classifier prefixes

Words have moved from one class to another over time. For example, the inherited root word for snow, reflected in Late Andanese as gina, is now indifferent to the form of precipitation and only pairs with classifiers: gagina "snow"; vugina "rain".

Classifier prefixes and titular words

Classifier prefixes cannot be used as words of their own. Every classifier prefix has at least one titular stem, whose meaning simply repeats one of the meanings of the classifier prefix so that it can be used as an independent word. For example, the classifier prefix sa- means "love", but the proper verb for "to love" is sanala. Thus one would say

Kikuhigi nanuma kitasanala.
The soldier loved the nurse.

Likewise, ka- means "tree", but the full form of the word for tree is kakupi.


Classifier prefixes with more than one meaning will have more than one titular word. Since ka- also means "insect", one finds words such as kahunu and kakui, both meaning "insect, arthropod" with little difference in meaning.

Dropping of classifiers in compounds

Compounds of two nouns generally drop the classifier from the second noun, using semantics to disambiguate the possible meanings. For example, hikala "seashell" and lakala "bear" share the same two-syllable root, and have different noun classifier prefixes. But the compound word pugikala, which adds pugi "claw", can only be used to mean "bear's claw" because seashells do not have claws. If a speaker did want to specifically say "seashell claw", then they would use pugi puhikala.

This rule has some exceptions. However, dropping the second classifier is mandatory when it is the same as the first classifier or of the same syntactic field. In fact, some teachers insert implicit null morphemes before every element of a compound which agree with the first classifier, saying that, for example, there exists a secondary Andanese word pukala "bear" alongside lakala, which is never used in bare form but is called up when speakers create compound words such as the above pugikala. This theory is one way of explaining the limits of which compounds are allowed to drop the classifiers and which are not. However, a dictionary based on this theory would list over a million words, most of which would be unusable duplicates of others.

Locative and thematic classifiers

Assignment of newly coined words to classifiers usually corresponds either to the place ("locative classifiers") or the purpose of the object ("thematic classifiers"). For example, a spoon is not an edible object, but it is frequently found with them, and therefore the word for spoon, miguha is in the food class rather than the handheld object class; iguha instead means "shovel".


Inanimate objects have classifiers that do not change for syntactical active or passive roles. Since the subject of a sentence is always animate, however, their classifier is always buried underneath another classifier that repeats the subject's classifier. Note that there are no sound changes; if two vowels come together, they are still pronounced as separate syllables. Since this happens also to the verb, often a sentence will consist of three alliterative words. Thus one can say

Tulata tuinuhu tuyula.
The student threw the torch.

List of common noun classifiers

All noun classifiers are one syllable long, but some classifiers can precede other classifiers and create what are effectively two-syllable prefixes.

a : roads, streets

la : large land animals

i : handheld objects; small land animals[3]

ha : to worship; needle

ka : trees; some flying insects

u : water, liquid; land features (e.g. "beach", "hill")

ma : some grasses

ga : winter, things encountered in winter

na : accusative of gi- (all senses)

li : rung, plank, flat surface(?); water, liquid (alternates with u-)

sa : love

pa : words loaned from early Pabappa

ta :

pi : pregnant women, babies, and couples

hi : tree (bark); worm; the ocean(?); bowl, cup, dish; adult women (nominative); men, boys (accusative)

ti : foot, motion

si : genitive prefix (etymologically hi-i-; often seen in contracted form as s- before vowel-initial words)

gi : protective objects; sharp, firm, protective; humans, human body parts; birds[4]

mi : food; breast, nourishment; adult women (accusative)

ni : young girls; place of X, generic placenames; snakes

pu : succulent fruit (doublet of tu-); sexual reproduction, obscene body parts (only when following another classifier such as li-)

hu : fire; celestial objects; insects; clothes, "shaped like"; hair of the head, back of body;

tu : small plants; children; blood, bodily humors

su : oceanography (hi- + -u-)

lu : some body parts (a 2nd-order classifier that often comes between the gender marker and the root word)

ku : arrow, sharp weapon

mu :

gu : breast, nurture, nutrition (secondary use only)

nu : fruit[5]; buildings

ki : verbs of motion (corresponds to li- body parts); weapon, claw; men, boys; darkness, night, sleep; some buildings

The sequences /ja ji ju va vi vu/ have taken on the role of pseudo-classifiers, since even in Classical Andanese their pronunciation was already monosyllabic:

ya : some grasses; pineapple, large fruit; meat, food

yi :

yu :

va :

vi : eye, vision, knowledge

vu : rain, water; horse, rideable animal

Note that there are many monosyllabic morphemes that are not classifiers. For example i means "shoulder", but is only used with a body part classifier li-.

Consonant-based gender system

Andanese inherited the consonant-based gender system from Tapilula. Due to sound changes, the consonants do not line up well with those of the parent language. An Andanese innovation was that, despite the Andanese language in general being nonfusional, gender markers used as prefixes affected the words they attached to. This is actually not truly an innovation, because the Tapilula language did this as well, but Andanese got rid of other such fusional aspects of grammar while retaining the gender "shaping" process. The genders are:

li: Babies; also used for humans of indeterminate age and gender (accusative is na-)

pi: Pregnant; adult males and adult females together; parents, childbirth

ki: Men and boys (contracts to k- before a vowel; accusative is variable, alternating between hi- or s- when acted on by "weak" agents and a contracted form of the prefix of the agent itself for "strong" agents)[6]

tu: Young children (accusative is ti-)

ni: Young girls

hi: Adult women (accusative is mi-)

There is no neuter gender and no epicene gender. Note that females have two genders (three if "pregnant" is considered to be exclusively feminine) but males have one. This is a trait common to many languages of the area, and was present in their common parent language of Tapilula.

As in Gold, all objects found in bodies of water are grammatically feminine even if syntactically masculine. [7]

A very small number of words show relics of the older internal mutations that marked gender in the Tapilula language. In Tapilula, classifier prefixes were dropped in more situations than they are in Late Andanese, and therefore the existence of separate stems for different genders was necessary. In Late Andanese, only a few such words survive, such as the word pair kilitu "king" and hiihu "queen". Even though the stems are different, the use of the prefixes is mandatory in Late Andanese.

Marking the accusative case

Late Andanese marks the accusative case by changing the noun classifier prefix, if there is one. For example, the noun classifier for adult women is hi- in the nominative (agentive) case, but this changes to mi- when a woman is the patient (direct object) of a verb. This case is still padded with the additional case marker of the agent itself, meaning that there will be two noun classifiers stacked together. This is the normal case in Andanese when an noun is the direct object of a verb. Note that inanimate nouns and most non-human animate nouns do not have separate forms of their noun class prefix for showing the accusative.

The masculine noun class, marked by ki- in an agent role, is the most changeable of all noun class prefixes, and the only one whose accusative form depends on the noun class of the agent acting on them. That is, a man stung by a bee will have a different noun class than a man kissed by a woman, in addition to the noun class of the agent which is stacked before the noun class for the man. Furthermore, the agent and patient forms merge before certain vowel-initial words, and the agent form also takes a special form when the patient is male.

The various interrelated patterns are all due to etymology. The original form of the agent prefix was tə- in pre-Andanese, and the patient was hə-. In early Old Andanese, this vowel either disappeared or changed to /i/, depending on environment. The /t/ soon changed to /k/, part of a general shift. Then, the sequences ki hi merged as s- before a vowel-initial word. But this change did not spread to words that became vowel-initial later on, meaning that only a few vowel-initial Late Andanese words trigger this assimilation. Any sequence of /hihi/ resulting from these shifts reduced to /hi/ by a general process of analogy. This occurred when a verb had a female agent and a male patient, but only when one of the other rules above did not force the inner /hi/ to contract into /s/.

Sample sentences below illustrate the different possibilities:

Kuinau kusatu kutakiu.
The bee stung the soldier.
Hiuma hisatu hitakiihumi.
The woman hit the soldier.

Second order classifiers and length of words

Because of the noun classifier prefixes, most word bases are at least three syllables long. Exceptions are of two kinds: some very common words are used with no classifiers, and some words have classifiers but stems that are only one syllable. Generally these result from recent sound contractions.

Often, a classifier prefix is not sufficient to precisely define a word, and the word will take a second-order classifier between its "exposed" classifier that interacts with the grammar and the rest of the root word. For example, many body parts are classified under the prefix lu-, such as gilulali "head", which breaks down as gi- + -lu- + lali.

Most words of this type acquired their second-order classifiers only fairly recently, when drastic sound changes led to phonological collision of words even within the same noun class.

Some syllables can be used either as primary or secondary classifiers. For example, the -lu- above can only appear after a human gender classifier, but ku- "arrow, sharp object" often follows i- "handheld object" to create words for handheld weapons such as ikukivuni "slicing knife" and ikukuhigi "one-handed sword".

Private verbs

Andanese preserves the private verbs of its parent language Tapilula, whereas in the Gold branch of the family they disappeared early on.

Private verbs are verbs whose meaning is entirely dependent on the noun classes of the subject and object that precede it. For example, if the subject is "boy" and the object is "orange", a verb spelled lua could mean "to eat". If the subject is "boy" and the object is "girl", the same verb would mean "to kiss". The only commonality between the two verbs is that they both involve the mouth, and indeed, lua is derived from the word for mouth. The opposite meanings can be indicated by stacking additional classifier prefixes. For example, nulua means unambiguously "eat" in any context, so one can say

Kupu kihipu kitanulua .
The boy ate the girl.

This could be translated narrowly as "The boy mouthed the girl like she was a fruit."

Through cultural osmosis, similar phenomena later reappeared in some of the Gold languages, particularly those most closely culturally linked to the Andanese.

Archaic traits

Andanese has many unsuual traits.[8] For example, in an early stage of the language, ala meant "children, people falling down, animals, abstract concepts, claw-hands raised, swinging arms". Unusual meaning shifts also have taken place; aka means "baby; blocking" and is not considered to simply be a set of two homophonous words.

There was also a "grand truth particle" at the beginning of every sentence. It was omitted if the sentence was true, but la if the sentence was false; if false, any -a- in the sentence (that is, /a/ with no consonant) would change to -la- to match the truth particle.

Body parts and certain other inalienables change depending on the gender of the referent. However, whole syllables change, not just consonants.


Andanese has had several scripts.

The oddest looking one, "batam" (an exonym), was not a script at all but a means of drawing objects with the angular shapes of one of the many 30-letter syllabaries. It is similar to ASCII art. Thus, "words" made from Batam were generally more than one line long and were absurdly long even comapred to the rest of Andanese. Nevertheless, Batam inspired the symbololology of earlyt Khull;s, so e.g. a l;etter that looked like a pineapple came to mean "pineapple", meaning that Khulls ironically developed words even shorter than it had already had by using the same method ANdfanese had used to make its already long words even longer.

Far more commonly, though, the Andanese wrote their language with one of a series of artistic syllabaries, each with 30 glyphs, which are based on square tiles. Of these, the commonest one was based on squares with 90° and 45° angles inside them. In multi-line texts, the boundaries of the squares would often be omitted, resulting in a shape that resembles a Tangram puzzle.

Adoption of foreign loanwords

In its early history, Andanese adopted many loanwords from surrounding languages, mostly of the Gold and Haswaraba families. By the time of Late Andanese, however, the speakers of the language lived only in Paba and therefore were surrounded by speakers of Babakiam. Andanese thus began to loan words from Babakiam, and stopped adopting words from all of the other languages, including the other branches of Andanese.

During this time, many foreign peoples settled in Paba, bringing languages such as Khulls into contact with Andanese. However, the Andanese generally distrusted these peoples, preferring to associate with Pabaps, and therefore few words from these languages were adopted into Andanese. An additional factor was the great divergence in phonology between Andanese and Khulls: whereas Andanese has only 30 syllables, Khulls has 35 consonants, 5 vowels, and 5 tones, and allows consonant clusters whereas Andanese does not. Although Babakiam's phonology is also quite different from that of Andanese, the two languages can more easily share vocabulary without merging many sounds into one.

Loanwords from Babakiam

Unusually, loans from Babakiam are generally borrowed using a different phoneme matching than other loanwords. Baba's /f/, /b/, and /p/ are all merged as /p/, and long vowels are borrowed as doubles. Often, these words are assigned the classifier prefix pa- regardless of meaning, which means that most Babakiam loanwords begin with /pa/. Babakiam's /ž/ phoneme is borrowed as /l/. All final consonants are dropped.

Bābā's loanwords into Andanese can be said to sound like an exaggerated form of Babakiam, characterized by words like papupipa "room, chamber" from Bābākiam pubipa.

Boomerang loans

As Andanese culture died off, some words that Andanese had borrowed from Babakiam were loaned back into Babakiam, creating a large assortment of lexical doublets. For example, Babakiam aafa "dark-haired" was borrowed into Andanese as paaapa, and then borrowed back into Babakiam in this same form. Babakiam generally borrows Andanese /l/ as /ž/, which means that /ž/ in boomerang loans is preserved intact. The classifier prefix pa- is sometimes retained, as Babakiam often does with other prefixes.


Old Andanese

Old Andanese: /p m f t n l k g h q kʷ ŋʷ w qʷ/ for consonants, /a e i o u/ on two tones for vowels. Note that Old Andanese preserved the lack of /s/ passed down from the parent language. /f/ is usually analyzed as /hʷ/, and /w/ as /gʷ/, which means that all the fricatives (/h hʷ g gʷ/) are laryngeals. (The letter "g" always indicates a fricative; ġ is used for the stop in related languages but does not occur in any stage of Andanese.)

Old Andanese /p/ and /t/ became voiced between vowels.

The language is very guttural compared to its neighbors; after all, it has 9 dorsal conosnants, but only 3 coronals and 2 labials (though five of the dorsals are labialized). However, the syllable strucutre is almost entirely CV, so it does not sound quite as aggressive as one might think.

Note, also, that /l/ patterns grammatically as a dorsal consonant, which means that from the viewpoint of the Old Andanese speakers, there were only four non-dorsal consonants in the language: /p m t n/.

Loss of tone

The loss of tone was actually the very last change that occurred in Late Andanese. Even as late as 3700 AD, there were still minimal pairs of words that differed only in tone, although the tones carried a very minor functional load since only one syllable per word could carry stress and many words were very long. The final loss of tone came in part due to influence from the speakers of Babakiam, whose nation was also home to most Andanese at the time.

Culture and habitat

Historically, the Andanese people have preferred to form parasitic colonies within other nations rather than to form nations of their own. Early on, they established settlements in the empires of Thaoa, Paba, and Subumpam.

Physical attributes

The Andanese people were the shortest people in the world, and also among the thinnest, giving them a body size far smaller than that of even their neighbors the Pabaps and the various dark-skinned aboriginal tribes living further west. Their hair and skin color was variable, as they had absorbed some local peoples, but did not travel much, meaning that the foreign genes for dark skin did not diffuse to the wider Andanese population.

The original Andanese settlers never had red hair, but some of the children of mixed marriages did. This is because red hair only appeared when the blonde hair genes combined with Andanese genes affecting the production of pigmented hair.[9] Since these children tended to identify as Andanese themselves, red hair came to be seen as an Andanese trait, although it was very rare even among them. With the dispersal of the Andanese identity into surrounding tribes, red hair has become slightly more common but no longer marks out any specific tribe.

Early Andanese settlement in Paba

The Andanese invaded Paba early on. But rather than start a war, they settled and established themselves as parasites who resisted Paba's attempts to encourage all people to work and live cooperatively. While Pabaps worked and shared the fruits of their labor, Andanese people stole from the Pabaps, with weaker Andanese people relying mostly on stealth and stronger ones relying on brute force.

Parasitic growth

Andanese people living in Paba practiced what they called handful culture, meaning that anything they were able to grab with their hands was considered their property. Beginning around the year 1300, Paba transformed itself into a pacifistic economic power and reduced the size of its military and police force. This worked well for the Andanese, who were very militaristic. The Andanese people realized that they no longer would need to worry about famine since they could simply raid a farm whenever they needed food, or steal merchandise from a store. The Pabaps realized they had a problem, and decided to enact a new tax to pay for food and merchandise in order to compensate people who had been raided by the nomadic Andanese gangs. This new tax reduced the Pabap peoples' living standards, but increased their physical safety, as the Andanese people realized that victims they allowed to live would be restored to a state of lootability in the close future.

Early Andanese settlement in Thaoa

Thaoa was a kingdom that broke away from Paba in the year 1085 and became markedly more militaristic. Unlike Paba, they banned all ethnic minorities from even living on Thaoa land, except as slaves. But the Andanese were able to get the better of even the Thaoans because the Andanese were willing to endure a standard of living far worse than that of the average Thaoan, to the point of living in unheated caves even during winter in order to hide out from the police and army. In fact, the Andanese were able to exploit one of Thaoa's few weaknesses: the Thaoan military was so strong that they went hundreds of years between battles, and nearly always won on those rare occasions that they fought. Thus, the average Andanese lived a harsher and more rugged life than even the soldiers in the Thaoan army, and found that they were able to get away with provocative behavior such as stealing Thaoan civilians' food and belongings and retreating into the mountains before the army or police could catch up with them.

Early Andanese settlement in Subumpam

In Subumpam, Andanese people mostly moved to areas where Pabap people were the majority, and stayed within the Pabap cities rather than forming settlements in the wilderness. As in Paba, the Andanese people in eastern Subumpam preyed on the Pabaps, robbing them of food and belongings in order to ensure that Andanese people would never need to work. The Pabaps adapted to the presence of the Andanese by introducing communal ownership of land and property, so that Pabap people who were attacked by the Andanese could replace their stolen belongings by borrowing replacements from the wider community.


The Andanese arrived on the continent of Rilola around the year 0, at the same time as the other Tapilula tribes such as the ancestors of the Poswobs, Pabaps, Moonshines, and so on. They were a distinct people however, and kept to themselves. In fact, the Tapilula people branched early on into two groups: the Andanese, and everybody else. The other tribes are merely subdivisions of the "Gold" tribe that includes all non-Andanese.

By the 1900s, Andanese were most strongly settled along the south coast where the weather was warmest. For the most part, Andanese did not build their own nations; they settled in the nations of other people such as the Pabap people and the Subumpamese. They lived in the same territories as Pabaps but for the most part lived in separate cities.

Cultural traits of the early Andanese people

The Pabap and Andanese cultures were a lot alike, and despite having different religions the people worshipped the same gods. However, the Andanese were a very violent people, and stood out sharply from the pacifistic Pabaps they lived among. Young Andanese boys were trained from an early age how to hold a sword, and by the time they could read they were strong enough to kill wild animals and defend their elderly and infirm relatives from hostile would-be invaders. By contrast, young Pabap boys were trained from an early age how to plant trees and vegetable gardens, and how best to decorate their property with the most beautiful flowers they could afford so that people walking through their property could enjoy the scenery and stop to rest after they had eaten their fill of the fruits and vegetables in their Pabap neighbors' garden.

The Andanese and Pabaps generally did not battle each other, however, so having vampires living amongst them was not a problem for Pabaps.

Early Andanese language

See Old Andanese.

Later history

Eventually, the Andanese settled amongst the Pabaps to such an extent that they redefined themselves as merely a tribe of Pabaps, or sometimes a collection of tribes. This identity was still held to when the Swamp Kids took over the reins of power in the year 4149 and renamed their new empire Anzan after the Andanese that many of them were descended from.


Like other human peoples, the Andanese originated in the tropics, eating a diet of fish combined with tropical fruits such as pineapples and coconuts. Around the year 4175, they were on the losing side of a war which left them with no land to call their own. But some brave Andanese explorers spoke of an uninhabited island, thousands of miles to the north and still teeming with fish and plenty of land to live on. And so the Andanese people who had only ever known tropical rainstorms and blistering heat came to live in the coldest part of the Northern Hemisphere, the icecapped island of Xema. Others stayed behind and tried to hide behind their skills at learning new languages and creating new political parties; in 4165 the Bubbles were formed, and despite being Andanese in origin, the public face of the party was the Poswobs and Pabaps.

Andanese people tended not to build nations of their own; instead, they settled in nations developed by other peoples, chiefly the Pabap people and the Subumpamese living along the south coast of Rilola. They also settled in Thaoa; in fact, Thaoa had more Andanese people per capita than any other nation to its west. Soon the Andanese actually became a majority. But the Andanese people here were more intimiately linked with Andanese people living in other nations, and did not generally seek to actually take over the Thaoa government.

Andanese share with Moonshines the unusual trait of having women be strongly taller than men from puberty onward. However the Andanese in general are much shorter people than Moonshines; in fact they are the shortest people in the world. This has led to much lower rates of outmarriage with other peoples and therefore much less spreading out of the tall-female trait into surrounding cultures.

Even though Andanese women are much taller than their men, this did not lead to the Andanese becoming a peaceful, feministic society the way the Pabaps and Poswobs around them did. Arguably the constant feeling of helplessness experienced by adult Andanese men who could barely get through a day without injuring themselves on a solid object intended to be harmless, combined with the fact that they were the shorter sex among the shortest human tribe in the world, made Andanese men feel as though they were simply "waste" people whose lives had little worth and led to them frequently starting fights with other Andanese men, and even Andanese women. Andanese women, despite being stronger than their men, rarely participated in violence either against other Andanese or against foreign peoples or animals. Likewise Andanese people generally wore clothing that was intended to protect them from injury by sharp objects, rather than to keep them warm during winter. Thus the throat and wrists were generally covered even if areas closer to the heart were not.

When the Andanese nation was destroyed, many Andanese families literally climbed up palm trees and began to live like monkeys. They in essence became "soft monkeys" in the sense that they did not have the strong muscles or sharp teeth that their lifestyle required but tried to compensate by building sharp knives and other tools to protect them from nature. But even here there was no relief, because the species of monkeys that dominated their territory actually fed on humans, even if only as a minor part of a primarily fruit-based diet. Some Andanese decided to simply accept their fate and live amongst the monkeys that were eating them, but even with a high birthrate these people became fewer and fewer in number over time. Even after the monkeys were defeated in a war of their own, the "tree people" never resettled the land or established a new human nation. The remainder of the Andanese people had scattered by this time, either to other nations or to assimilate as a new tribe of Pabap speakers called Sonsona. These people were still very weak, and no longer warlike, but they had a strong tribal identity despite lacking a language of their own, and therefore they are the only surviving descanedants of the Andanese today.


  1. Are these really suffixes?
  2. "book" in dict, though
  3. Not historical ... extracted from iku "bird" ... therefore, this does not have cognates even in other Andanic languages
  4. NOTE. "humans, human body parts; birds" was originally listed under li but this is an error. Both come from Tapilula nʷə-, meaning that humans and birds were considered as one even then. There is alternate form of the prefix, nu-, which is the basis of the accusative.
  5. "Large enough to be eaten one at a time, but small enough to hold in one hand."
  6. from təlin "penis"
  7. c.f. Russian
  8. Search "GRAND TRUTH PARTICLE.doc" for sentences like These were by about 3000 AD reduced to five: Sweet, Sleep, Feminine, Masculine, and Child. (Five genders.)
  9. That is, "redness" and "blonde hair" were controlled by different genes, as on Earth.